The Hidden Mortgage Killer: How Healthcare Costs Are Eating the American Dream
The debate over universal healthcare has fallen into a political chasm—one that has effectively denied the United States a genuine bipartisan solution. Democrats tend to frame the issue as a moral obligation: every American deserves access to healthcare. But that framing feeds directly into a long-standing Republican critique rooted in individualism and a reflexive fear of “socialism.”
The result is paralysis.
That stalemate persists even as the U.S. endures the highest healthcare costs, the shortest life expectancy, and the greatest levels of medical debt among its peer nations.
The Real Problem: Follow the Money
Why has nothing changed? Because the few powerful groups are making a LOT of money from the way things are.
The private health insurance industry is a giant profit engine. There is extraordinary money to be made from a sick and financially captive population—and therefore little incentive for entrenched stakeholders, including the politicians they fund, to alter the system in any meaningful way.
How did we get here? In 1989, as momentum for a national healthcare system was growing, the conservative Heritage Foundation moved quickly to define the debate on its own terms. They proposed a plan that looked like reform but was really based in protecting the private insurance market.
The proposal was radical for the right at the time. It called for an individual mandate requiring all Americans to purchase basic health insurance from private companies. They paired this with premium tax credits for low- and middle-income households. The logic was straightforward: force young, healthy people into the risk pool to stabilize private insurers.
That idea—the individual mandate—would later be embraced by Republicans like Mitt Romney in Massachusetts and ultimately become the backbone of the Affordable Care Act. The effect was profound. The entire healthcare debate shifted away from public systems and toward tightly regulated private markets, securing the private insurance industry’s central role.
Reframing the Solution: From Morality to Mortgage
The failure of the Heritage-style model to control costs has brought us to the current crisis. It’s time to step back and acknowledge a truth that has been obscured by ideology: a single-payer system—or one with single-payer controls—is not only morally responsible, it is fiscally responsible.
And some of the evidence for that fiscal responsibility is hiding in plain sight, embedded in one of the nation’s most important economic pillars: housing.
The familiar image of the first-time homebuyer in their late twenties is gone. According to the National Association of Realtors (NAR), the median age of first-time buyers has risen from 29 in 1981 to 40 today. This is not a failure of thrift or personal responsibility. It is a cash-flow crisis—one rooted in—among other things—the inefficiency of our healthcare system.
1. Wage Stagnation and the Debt-to-Income Trap
Mortgage approvals hinge on one metric above all others: the debt-to-income (DTI) ratio.
Since the early 2000s, employer-sponsored health insurance premiums have ballooned, growing roughly four times faster than workers’ cash wages. Employers operate within a fixed compensation budget. When premiums rise, take-home pay stagnates.
This creates a double bind. On one side of the DTI ratio, income is suppressed. On the other, high deductibles and copays force families to take on medical debt, inflating the debt side. The system simultaneously lowers earnings and raises liabilities, pushing millions of otherwise qualified workers above the DTI threshold and straight into mortgage denial.
2. The Unaccounted Burden: Eroding Financial Margin
Even for those who do qualify, U.S. healthcare costs strip away the financial resilience required for homeownership.
Crucially, monthly health insurance premium payments do not show up on a credit report, nor are they formally included in a borrower’s formal DTI calculation. However, they are a massive, non-negotiable monthly expense that lenders examine when building a client’s post-closing budget. This expense profoundly affects a client’s genuine ability to pay a loan, regardless of whether it is part of the automated approval process.
This uncertainty erodes the buffer required to manage homeownership’s inherent volatility—repairs, taxes, and insurance. A single medical emergency can divert mortgage payments overnight, increasing the risk of default and foreclosure. The system doesn’t just delay homeownership; it makes it a dangerous gamble.
The Bipartisan Synthesis: Healthcare as an Economic Accelerator
The answer is not simply to build more housing. We need to get control of healthcare costs.
By adopting the cost controls of a single-payer system, both political parties can finally find common ground. This is not a choice between being kind and being fiscally responsible. It is smart policy that satisfies both.
The right thing to do is clear: everyone in America should have access to good medical care when they need it. But the fiscally responsible way to reach that goal is universal access with rules that force costs to be kept low. When people are healthier, they can work more and produce more. Additionally, we waste less money when people don’t get sick from preventable medical issues and families don’t face financial disaster from medical bills.
Just as importantly, universal healthcare stabilizes wages and eliminates the threat of catastrophic medical debt. That stability is what allows middle-class families to buy homes, build equity, and secure the nation’s long-term economic future.
Eliminating administrative waste and using collective bargaining power to negotiate drug and service prices—something Medicare and the VA already do—is the only proven way to control costs. This isn’t socialism. It’s financial prudence: converting healthcare from an economic liability into a productive national asset.
The Predictable Pushback: The 1% Problem
None of this will happen without resistance.
A single-payer or tightly regulated system is disastrous for the small fraction of Americans who profit enormously from the status quo—and for many of the politicians they support. Health insurance has been a bonanza, but like any extractive industry, its richest veins eventually run dry. We are at that point now.
Public anger is rising because the affordability crisis—made worse by the expiration of enhanced premium tax credits—is finally reaching deep into the middle class, including families that were once insulated.
The ferocity of the opposition makes sense. Universal healthcare threatens astronomical CEO pay, guaranteed shareholder returns, and the political influence that flows from them. When you examine how many elected officials receive campaign funding from the health insurance industry, the source of political loyalty becomes obvious.
The Cost of Opposition: Follow the Money. From 2001 to 2022, the healthcare industry returned $2.6 trillion to shareholders through dividends and stock buybacks—money that could have been used to lower patient costs. Meanwhile, the CEOs of the six largest national health plans collectively earned over $159 million in recent compensation.
But their fight against it cannot stop what is the best economic decision for most Americans.
A Path Forward: Borrowing Proven, Bipartisan Solutions
We don’t need to invent a new system. We need to adapt models that already work.
For those suspicious of a fully centralized system, the Bismarck Model—used in Germany and the Netherlands—offers a logical path forward. It preserves a role for private insurers while subjecting them to strict public oversight and universal access requirements.
Adapting the Bismarck Model
Strictly Regulated, Low-Profit Insurance
All citizens are required to enroll in a qualified health plan, but insurers providing essential coverage operate as non-profits or face strict caps on administrative spending and profit margins. Premiums and benefits are regulated to ensure affordability, taking pressure off wages.Standard Prices for Services
National or regional boards set standard prices for every medical service. This stops the crazy situation we’re currently in where the same MRI can cost $2,000 in one city and $20,000 in another. This discipline is a core reason peer nations spend far less while achieving better health outcomes.
The conclusion is straightforward: we can preserve market competition while enforcing financial rules that serve the public interest rather than corporate profit.
Don’t Fall for the Old Arguments
The ACA/Obamacare didn’t cause high costs. Costs were already rising fast for decades because no one was controlling the prices. The ACA just tried to get more people into a broken system.
Getting rid of insurance companies won’t magically fix things. If we just sent money directly to doctors and hospitals, they would still charge outrageous prices because no one is making them stop. We must control the prices themselves.
Meanwhile, critics on both sides are calling for the ACA to be scrapped entirely because it failed to cap healthcare and insurance costs. This is a classic baby-and-bathwater moment. Consider one of the ACA’s hallmark provisions: protections for people with pre-existing conditions. About 81% of registered voters—across party lines—say insurers should not be allowed to deny coverage to those with pre-existing conditions, with support including 80% of Republicans and 83% of Democrats.
The ACA failed to control costs because it was designed that way. It was built on the idea that protected the profit of the insurance industry, not to reform it or tear it down.
Universal healthcare—whether through a true single-payer system or a tightly regulated multi-payer model—is both the moral path as well as the fiscally responsible one. It is how we stop bleeding wages into premiums, end the cycle of medical debt, and restore economic mobility. It is how we unlock the productive potential of the American worker—and make it possible for the 40-year-old first-time homebuyer to once again become the 29-year-old they were always meant to be.
This is not radical. It is corrective. And it is long overdue.
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Additional Reading
Butler, Stuart M. "Assuring Affordable Health Care for All Americans." The Heritage Foundation, 1 Oct. 1989. https://www.heritage.org/social-security/report/assuring-affordable-health-care-all-americans
Claxton, Gary, et al. "2024 Employer Health Benefits Survey." KFF, 9 Oct. 2024. https://www.kff.org/health-costs/2024-employer-health-benefits-survey/
"First-Time Homebuyer Age Hits All-Time High." National Association of Realtors, 4 Nov. 2024. https://www.nar.realtor/newsroom/first-time-home-buyer-share-falls-to-historic-low-of-21-median-age-rises-to-40
Gunja, Munira D., et al. "Mirror, Mirror 2024: A Portrait of the Failing U.S. Health System." The Commonwealth Fund, 19 Sept. 2024. https://www.commonwealthfund.org/publications/fund-reports/2024/sep/mirror-mirror-2024
Sparks, Grace, et al. "Americans’ Challenges with Health Care Costs." KFF, 11 Dec. 2025. https://www.kff.org/health-costs/americans-challenges-with-health-care-costs/
Bivens, Josh. “The Unfinished Business of Health Reform: Reining in market power to restrain costs without sacrificing quality or access.” The Economic Policy Institute. October 10, 2018. https://www.epi.org/publication/health-care-report/
Sarasohn-Kahn, Jane. “In the Past Ten Years, Workers’ Health Insurance Premiums Have Grown Much Faster Than Wages.” HealthPopuli. October 9, 2020. https://www.healthpopuli.com/2020/10/09/in-the-past-ten-years-workers-health-insurance-premiums-have-grown-much-faster-than-wages/





As a Canadian, I thank one of Saskatchewan's first premiers, T.C. Douglas, who in the 1940s put in place that provinces's first medical plan -- it began with hospitalization. And then his government later slogged through a nasty doctor's strike. But finally the doctors got it -- they would get paid for their work regularly and on time -- which hadn't been happening earlier. The other political parties of the day then realized that if they didn't fully fund Medicare, they were toast.
Nice - spot on essay Dani. I have greatly enjoyed your "Smart" Ruminations ever since my introduction to you via HCR, whom I have deeply adored and followed religiously ever since she began writing, first on FB, thence to substack where I follow her yet; '2018 or 2019 ? My memory seems a little 'leaky' today.. lol. I'm "that dude" that used to delight in ribbing HCR mostly and you when you'd show up first or nearly so, but at any rate, you got 'affirmation' - out loud by HCR as though you were the only "it" person in the room by exclaiming "Hi'eeeee Dani-eeee" ! I'd parrot it.... like I was jealous or something - hoping for some reaction. I'm goofy that way. Meaning, it's not personal. I have to suppose my form of deflecting personal despair without bitching out loud; making jests and jokes that might be relatable for some. On some level I should know better. I don't seem able to restrain myself at most times as part and parcel of who I am, that is too bluntly honest. Or perhaps an outgrowth of a lifetime of compartmentalizing. Who knows.... all that psycho babble is above my pay grade.
I do notice that you tread very lightly in the areas of causes, conditions and complicity as all this healthcare silence rolls on and gathers complexities, like a snowball rolling down a hill of moist, new fallen snow. This essay in particular has spoken to my experiences; Complex experiences beyond your experience that I know of and your illustrated research, at least from that which I can glean. I know beyond any doubt that I could add considerable breadth and depth to you research from my broad experience, given the opportunity. In fact, I would welcome such interest were it so. You seem passionate, but the proof would be in the doing, besides the academics. That said, I would welcome your interest. I believe HCR knows how to contact me directly and indirectly; I could be wrong on that though. Failing that, there can be other ways. I use a 'dummy' email that I can control; you may reach back that way initially should you care to. That address is cheryln2171960@gmail.com
Much of this experience of mine stems from becoming totally disabled 8.5+ years ago on the job for a Fortune 500 corporation - unofficially actually a Fortune 100 corporation, just not officially - yet. I worked for this corporation since mid 1973 and have 'noticed' many many changes and convulsions. One of my problems; I 'notice' too much. I worked in an extremely diverse number of capacities for this company, settling finally at maintenance professional.
To another subject. I would have long ago paid to subscribe to your missives if I could afford to. I find you well worthy. But, I cannot afford more substack and other subscriptions. My sole income has been SS disability alone for the past 8.5+ years. I must live within my income. The corporation I worked for accepts 'no responsibility' for my injury. It was without any doubt, a responsibility squarely upon them - perhaps even criminal neglect. But that's all part and parcel of my truth narrative. Upon any interest, we'll have at it Dani.
Hoping your Christmas is the best ever for you and yours - no matter what !
Best regards,
~D